2010년 5월 14일 금요일

HW4.6

Question-

1.What was Reagan's 'brand' of Conservatism in the US, 1980s?
2.Did Reagan's Policies fit that 'brand'?



REAGAN'S POLICIES DIDN'T FIT THE 'BRAND'

According to Schweikart, Reagan ran on three simple promises: he would revive the economy through tax cuts and deregulation, cutting the size of government; he would wage the cold war with renewed vigor; and he would address the nation's energy problems by seeking market solutions.
The result of Reagan’s budget cuts were that 350,000 people lost Social Security disability benefits. (Zinn) Also, unemployment increased which caused over 16 million Americans to lose their medical insurance. (Zinn)
Reagan spent trillions of dollars to build up its military by arguing that the Soviet Union was also building up its military forces to invade the West. However, George Kennan, the former ambassador to the Soviet Union said this fear had no basis in reality. (Zinn)
Although renewable energy sources (water, wind, sunlight) could produce more usable energy than nuclear plants, the Reagan administration made a 90 percent cut in research into renewable energy possibilities. (Zinn)

2010년 5월 12일 수요일

Historical Investigation Part D: Analyze

Soviet exploitation of Korean nationalism caused by the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, together with Soviet mobilization of Siberia-based Koreans, thus producHised the first Korean political movement to operate under Red banners. This abrupt inflow of “Communism” into Korean in the early era was precarious so even the concept of Communism was hazy for most of people in North Korea. (Scalapino / Lee 4). Moreover, even the some of members in a communism party in North Korea in the late of 1930s didn’t seized what Communism is because they were convinced by his schoolmate, closest friends, or brothers to do so; “Kim mentioned that the majority of the new members did not understand the party and the meaning of communism when they joined it. It was only afterwards that they could be educated.” (Koon 66) Although the Communism Parties’ leaders tried to instruct the new recruits who predominantly were consisted of peasants or workers about principle of democratic centralism, it didn’t work out well because there were even no divergence of ideologies. (Koon 66) The peasants and farmers purpose was possessing their own land since Korea was a agrarian country without knowledge of Communism. (Scalapino / Lee 44-45) Therefore, when Kim Il-sŭng started the collectivization of lands, there were lots of discontent with that, even in the Communism party; “The Korean peasants' desire to possess land was so deep-rooted that the Korean communists raised only the banner, "Land to Tillers!" Never before had they advocated collectivization in which the peasants would turn into employees of the state……Recognizing the deep desire of the peasants to remain landowners, "some comrades" in the party, as acknowledged by Kim Il-sŭng, opposed even the thought of collectivization.” (Koon 107) While some Communism parties are not unified well, however, there were also a pure Communism party called, The Communist Party of Korea (KCP) that think Communism as a primary value; “the KCP had remained essentially a “thought society,” that is, is consisted of people who were busy thinking about Communism rather than engaging in the struggle against imperialism and feudalism.” (Scalapino Lee 118). However, there were just few intellectuals who had learned about Communism, the party didn’t appeal to citizens in the North Korea.

2010년 5월 4일 화요일

HW4.4

MIDDLE-AGED RICH MEN AND FEMINISTS WHO HAD UPHELD NO FAULT DIVORCE LAW ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR HIGH DIVORCE RATES IN THE 1970S


First, the middle-aged rich men who had supported No Fault Divorce law caused the divorces. They wanted to be dissolved to have younger women than their wives which was called, Jennifer Fever. It was possible because of their wealth and there was no biological discord, contrast to women. (A PATRIOT’S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES by Schweikart)

Secondly, Feminists tried to find their liberty through No Fault Divorce law. Some married middle-class women felt emptiness and meaninglessness about their lives and tried to being free from housework and find their own life. One of the women who became a feminist, Betty Friedan wrote in her book, The Feminine Mystique, “Sometimes a woman would say , “I feel empty somehow . . . incomplete." Or she would say, "I feel as if I don't exist." Sometimes.... "A tired feeling ... I get so angry with the children it scares me. ... I feel like crying without any reason."

Added paragraph; Episode of All In The Family

Popular TV shows from the 1970s show that a 'woman's place' in society at that time meant change in divorce laws were needed. In the show, the conservative householder, Archie responds, "Women's place is till in the home!", when his daughter told him that she is applying for a job. It symbolizes that there were still stereotype of women and It had suffocated them at that time.

2010년 5월 1일 토요일

HW4.3

INSTINCTIVE RICH OLD MEN, FEMINISTS, AND LAW MAKERS ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR HIGH DIVORCE RATES IN THE 1970S


First, the behavior of men that looking for younger women than their current wives caused the divorces. The wealthy old men could attract some younger women with their money. However, it hadn’t worked for old women by biological reason unless they are rich enough to attract them.

Secondly, Feminists wanted to get their rights back as individual, not wives or mothers. Some married middle-class women felt emptiness and meaninglessness about their lives and tried to being free from housework and find their own life through the divorce.

Lastly, No Fault Divorce, made by law makers, caused lots of unreasonable divorces. Since it didn’t required to submit the evidence that the respondent had committed a breach of the marital contract. Besides, it had limited the potential legal defenses of a respondent who would prefer to remain married.

Added paragraph; Episode of All In The Family

Popular TV shows from the 1970s show that a 'woman's place' in society at that time meant change in divorce laws were needed. In the show, the conservative householder, Archie responds, "Women's place is till in the home!", when his daughter told him that she is applying for a job. It symbolizes that there were still stereotype of women and It had suffocated them at that time.

2010년 4월 28일 수요일

HW4.2

Thesis Statement

“Who is to blame for America’s trend toward high divorce rates, starting in the 1970s?”



First, the behavior of men that looking for younger women than their current wives caused divorces. The wealthy old men could attract some younger women with their money. On the other hand, old women were not a big interest for younger men unless they are rich enough to attract them by biological reason.

Secondly, married women felt emptiness and meaninglessness about their lives and tried to being free and find their own life as divorcing with their husbands. Because what they all did during the days were doing housework and taking care of their children and about family account, spending most of time at home.

Thererfore, the responsibility about high divorce rates is on rich old men who have obeyed their instincts and married women who have looked for their freedom.

2010년 4월 25일 일요일

HW4.2

In the 1970s, a journalist named Tom Wolfe called that period, "The Me Decade and the Third Great Awakening", which means Self-improvement and Spirituality. American people tried to remodel and elevate themselves and the period also became a motivation for WASPs (white Anglo-Saxon Protestants) to find their Identities.

2010년 3월 18일 목요일

Rough Draft of Part B of the Historical Investigation

The purpose of this study is to trace the development of Communism in Korea from its inception to the present, and to analyze the contemporary North Korean Communist system (Scalapino / Lee vii)

One must never forget, moreover, that in this era the concept of communism was very obscure to most people. Imprecision and confusion dominated the ideological scene; to each recruit, the idea of communism held a different meaning and appeal.( Scalapino / Lee 4)

Nationalism was the only common bond among men who professed political beliefs from conservatism to communism. (Scalapino / Lee 12)

Yi was furious, and later supervised the drafting of a petition that equated the Provisional Government with the Korean Communist Party, and promised to assume the responsibility of spreading communism among the Koreans. (Scalapino / Lee 12)

Additional works on socialism and communism, some of them from British Labour Party sources, were also translated and distributed. (Scalapino / Lee 22)

Meanwhile, disillusionment grew rapidly among those Koreans who had seen Communism primarily as a vehicle to achieve Korean independence. (Scalapino / Lee 35)

it was decided that the Korean revolutionary movement should be conducted by supporting the Provisional Government, encouraging and modifying it; and that since Korea was an agrarian country without knowledge of communism, the emphasis should be upon nationalism, with the peasants as primary targets. (Scalapino / Lee 44-45)

Communism in Asia has in fact been most successful where it has been able to integrate and interact with nationalism on a continuing basis. (Scalapino / Lee 62)

Communism had come to the Far East as a movement promising the liberation of colonial peoples, and this alone could arouse many a patriot. (Scalapino / Lee 63)

Communism, moreover, promised something beyond the liberation of colonies, namely, the liberation of man. It catered to men desirous of drastic change, and a number of Koreans, especially from the petty intellectual class, were in that category. (Scalapino / Lee 63)

Unable to become a vanguard party of the masses, the KCP had remained essentially a "thought society," that is, it consisted of people who were busy thinking about Communism rather than engaging in the struggle against imperialism and feudalism. (Scalapino / Lee 118)

Many Koreans came to Communism during their schooling in Japan, and the prominent Japanese Communists of this period all had their devoted Korean disciples. (Scalapino / Lee 135)

Again, it must be reiterated that the distinction between Communism and nationalism was extremely hazy among almost all Koreans at the grass-roots level, especially since anti-colonialism was one of the most prominent and persistent of the Communist themes. (Scalapino / Lee 140)

Nevertheless, by the mid-1930s, Communism in Japan had been reduced to a mere shadow. Only the legacy of Koreans as "prone to radicalism and violence" remained against the backdrop of the Japanese militarist era. (Scalapino / Lee 189)

Kim Il-sŏng, however, was by no means alone among Communists in being talented and dedicated. It would be possible to describe in such a fashion at least a hundred Koreans of this period who at one point or another committed themselves to Communism. (Scalapino / Lee 229)

For every recruit who came to Communism through reading Marxist literature, or because he had become convinced that the Party offered the best hope for national liberation or rapid socioeconomic change, another recruit entered because his schoolmate, closest friend, or brother persuaded him to do so. (Scalapino / Lee 231)

One other major consideration deserves some further analysis here. Korean Communism, like other aspects of Korean politics in the period before 1945, had had to find its bases and sources of support wherever it could. (Scalapino / Lee 231)

After 1928, Korean Communism was once again forced out of its homeland. (Scalapino / Lee 231)

The shape of Korean Communism could not help being affected powerfully by these facts. (Scalapino / Lee 232)

Once again, it should be emphasized that even among the so-called intellectual class, there was little understanding of the meaning of Communism, or of the distinction between Communism, Democratic Socialism, and Liberal Democracy. One must not impose on the Korean politics of this era the views and vantage points of another culture or intelligentsia. (Scalapino / Lee 240)

Once political roles have been clearly allocated among the elite, and the organizational structure has been firmly implanted, effective challenges against the leader are vastly more difficult to mount. This is especially true of the Stalinist model of communism, which allocates public prestige and private power to the key political figure in such a fashion as to make his overthrow extraordinarily difficult, barring some major catastrophe. (Scalapino / Lee 382)

Since Communism was not firmly established in the north in that era, the Party should show leniency toward them and cease discriminating against their families, except to exercise care in regard to foreign travel. (Scalapino / Lee 474)

The intellectual became separated from his cultural roots, progressively dissatisfied and hence available to a revolutionary movement like Communism. (Scalapino / Lee 496)

And for the Communists, the task of rebuilding their organization below the 38th parallel was a formidable one, particularly since there were now millions -- both northerners and southerners -- who had lived under Communism and wanted no more of it. (Scalapino / Lee 548)

In the same way that Kim Il Sung built a Confucian influenced hereditary family-state in North Korea and called it communism. (Cumings 64)